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Part I: Whenever the working masses become oppressed, exploited and subjected to an overall lack of work, rebellion becomes the only avenue left through which they can exert energy. These rebellions are often short-lived [less than a decade] but they mirror the severity of the financial crisis at hand. The key factors that made the 1930s labor movement successful were: the significance of the depression, the political atmosphere and its players, and strikes.

Part I: The Depression
The economic depression of the 1930s was, to this day, the greatest the US has ever experienced. The average American during this time was still overly resistant to government handouts and as such the governments relief system was ill equipped to deal with the economic hardships of the masses. For those that were still working at meager wages, their struggle was internalized within the factory system, but for the average worker who was now without an income or job, productive effort and labor had to exert itself on another plane.

At first the poor and jobless resisted the thought of aide and internalized the pain and suffering of being a capable individual without work or a steady job. This sentiment was especially traumatizing when contextually, the average 30’s American was defined by his employment and the uni-polar power structure of the male dominated family. This singular paragon of power reliant upon the male breadwinner, not only left many families starving but also, robbed Americans of their dignity, respect and faith in government, an obstacle, which would require many years of economic stability to repair.

“Men and women haunted the employment offices, walked the streets, lined up for every job opening, and doubted themselves for not finding work… But as the depression worsened, as the work forces of entire factories were laid off, as whole neighborhoods in industrial towns were devastated, and as at least some political leaders began to acknowledge that a disaster had occurred, attitudes toward what had happened and why, and who was to blame, began to change among some of the unemployed.”

Part I: Politics & Political Mobilization
Prior to the economic depression the republicans enjoyed a long stint of political prowess and power largely due to eastern businessmen, who massively influenced and controlled not just the right but the left as well.

However, the depression creating ‘shifting currents’ in which new leaders were required to emerge [especially from the left], and FDR was the man who emerged. FDR’s election was the materialization of the disenchanted and disheartened “collective will”, flexing united muscle to put a candidate in office that was outside the traditional system of power that dominated pre-depression.

FDR was effective at marketing himself to the working class by promoting a system of “building from the bottom up, and putting faith in the forgotten man,” Piven and Cloward argue that this is the main reason FDR was elected. After his inauguration, FDR addressed congress laying out his plans for the “Civilian Conservation Corps, which was a public works program, and a massive program of federal emergency relief.

The Civilian Conservation Corps provided jobs at subsistence wages for a mere 250,000 men.” The idea behind FDR’s program wasn’t necessarily to create jobs, but rather, to stimulate the economy allowing the factories to re-open for employment etc. This plan in conjunction with the Federal Emergency Relief Act was very effective and helped to re-instill faith in government among the working classes.

Part I: Strikes
Labor rebellions in 1837, 1873, 1884, and 1893 exploded when unemployment hit catastrophically low levels, which resulted in collective organization and ultimately the restoration of jobs. Examples such as this one help to define the effectiveness of collective organization and the power that the powerless can attain through protest.

Looking at the 30s in particular, many small acts of defiance helped to bolster support for militancy. One of the most effective was that of “Rent Riots,” these were mass resistance movements against eviction. It is estimated that it helped to restore over 77,000 families to their homes in New York City alone.

Part I: Why Was The Labor Movement Successful?
The Labor Movement of the 1930s success can be synthesized in three ways scale, unison and grass roots success. As demonstrated in the Justice for Janitors movie, collective action can only be effective when multitudes of people act as one, in unison. Similar to Justice for Janitors, the Great Depression effected many lives and required an equivalent outcry, which stirred up the largest labor movement to date.

Yet, without grass roots victories Labor Movements become disenchanted quickly, which is why Rent Riots, Picketing, Unionization and recognition are the fuel required to promote any effective movement. Through these grass roots success a newly invigorated American public, found a means of sustenance and a platform through which their message could be heard.

Part II: Question: 1
With the formal recognition of the Workers Alliance of America 1936, the labor movement spurred on by the Great Depression solidified its victory. But with victory comes concessions and in this case the decline of the labor movement in the 1940s. Ultimately, bureaucratic absorption of key labor movement players and the over-institutionalization/organization of labor groups led to they’re fall from power.

Part II: Q1: Bureaucratic Absorption
With relief money flowing and victory in hand labor leaders sought to expand their vision of worker rights on a national level. Yet, while leaders played ball in Washington grass roots labor movements were losing momentum. Roosevelt’s reign brought about reinvigorated public support and through his relief systems, the government was able to take the helm of aide distribution once again.

However, once these movements failed the relief was cut off. Through the pursuit of more substantial reform on the national playing field, labor leaders inadvertently forfeited the ability to cause disruptions at a local level, which during the 30s was their primary basis of power. Grass Roots organizations could no longer influence on the local level (due to the pursuit of national reform) and recruitment numbers dwindled because of the inability of these organizations to produce results (e.g. Victories).

Since the labor movement was now a national organization, it was also now subjected to nationalized laws and required to play within the confines of socially acceptable governmental practices.

Part II: Q1: Institutionalization of Labor Organizations
Labor Unions post 30s started to institute national bylaws, which all local leaders had to abide by. These organizations shifted from working against the government in the 30s to working with the government in the 40s.

Organizers now wanted to “educate the poor” on how to cause “greater change” through lobbying Washington and major factories rather than local offices. The irony in goals like these was the complete castration of the movement’s power base – local, militant action. Which to a large extent, is why the Great Depression movement was so successful.

One of the major changes was the shift from collective local action to pressure the government and business to a system of dispute regulation, where unionized workers would submit claims to the company instead of protesting. These claims were received then small meetings ensued where “everyone talked over everyone else and nothing was achieved.”

It was this synergy of expansionism and over-organization that eventually led to the self-castration of the labor movement’s powerbase – the workers. Through the incorporation of labor leaders into politics and politics into labor organizations, the time of mass mobilization and power for the people was brought to an end and the pendulum of power began to swing in the other direction once again.

Part II: Question: 4
Prior to the start of “new unionism” in L.A. during the 1990s, undocumented migrant workers were not only hard if not impossible to unionize but also, unwanted by traditional labor unions. Yet, since the 1990s and the victory of the Justice for Janitors campaign, unionism amongst undocumented workers has increased drastically (1980s: 1,800 union members; 1990s: 225,000). This drastic increase in unionized workers is largely due to organizers focusing on education and grass roots trust as well as corporation visibility and worker persistence.

Part II: Q4: Education & Grass Roots Trust
Ignorance and trust are the two hardest barriers to breach when attempting to organize undocumented workers. But before an organizer can educate a worker on the extent of labor laws and its inclusion of the illegal workforce, they must first find a way to gain trust and legitimacy.

In Bread and Roses, Sam runs into this same obstacle, door-to-door petitioning is worthless without a foundation of trust and support on which to stand. For Sam he finds his “connector” in Maya, who not only helps him set up meetings with fellow non-union janitors but also acts as liaison and his trust base. Without Mayas constant pushing and belief in Sam, the Bread & Roses campaign could not have succeeded.

The key towards influencing migrant workers is that of trust, once you have their trust then you can educate on current laws, protections, aide and anti-exploitation tactics. Other components of post 90s organizing success has come from the ability of labor organizations to utilize people like Sam (young energy and idealism filled college students) to interface with disheartened and underrepresented workers. Plus increases to budgets, New Union Platforms having access to $20 Million per year for organizational purposes.

Part II: Q4: Visibility & Persistence
Gaining the trust and participation of non-unionized workers is only half the battle; the real challenge is in developing a viable and sustainable plan of action through which you can attack a corporation. In Boycott Forever 21, the women showcase an incredible degree of perseverance battling in the courts, on the streets, throughout the nation and around the globe for over three years before vindication finds them.

Much of the success in their campaign originates from not only great planning but also the sheer conviction and dedication the women hold in their hearts towards their cause. Through protesting in front of stores they manage to get local news media involved on a weekly basis and shed unwanted light on a corporation with an otherwise squeaky clean exterior.

The New Unionism approach has been successful in cities such as Los Angeles largely due to the linear pursuit of trust via connectors (Maya), education (labor laws), and the utilization of pain, frustration, and the oppression of workers to paint a vivid, media rich picture of the underbelly of American capitalism and its effects on those who work hard to attain the American dream.